Who does Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky believe he is? Obviously, the American president! In his speech to the World Economic Forum in Davos, Zelensky excoriated the Europeans, telling them that the continent “needs to step up” and “learn how to take care of itself so the world can’t ignore it.” Moreover, he added: “All European countries must be willing to spend as much on security as is truly needed, not just as much as they’ve gotten used to during years of neglect.”
That’s not all. He treated President Donald Trump like a subordinate, agreeing to negotiate with Russia—so long as America put its full faith and credit, along with its citizens’ lives, on the line. While criticizing allies on both sides of the Atlantic for making deals behind Kiev’s back, Zelensky insisted that the U.S. provide troops to defend Ukraine. He explained: “The only question is what security guarantees and honestly I want to have understanding before the talks.” If Trump would be so kind as to “guarantee this strong and irreversible security for Ukraine, we will move along this diplomatic path.”
Apparently shamed by Zelensky, other European leaders joined in, always ready to shift military responsibility to the United States. Reported Bloomberg:
“European officials are seeking commitments from the new US administration of President Donald Trump to take part in security guarantees for Ukraine as diplomatic pressure to end the Russian invasion mounts. The allies broadly agree with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy that the US will have to contribute troops to any future peacekeeping forces in the country to make such effort credible, according to people familiar with the matter who spoke under condition of anonymity.”
There’s nothing wrong with asking, of course. But it is imperative that Trump, along with his principal foreign policy advisers, respond not just no, but hell no! Ukrainians are understandably frustrated by allied behavior, but none of NATO’s members have been willing to go to war on its behalf: not before the Russian invasion, not during the Russian invasion, and not, so far, after the Russian invasion. Today some NATO members, especially those which are little more than military rounding errors, like the Baltic states, talk a tough game, but of course they expect the U.S. to do the heavy lifting. Apparently forever.
Eight decades after the conclusion of World War II, European nations remain hopelessly dependent on the U.S. Yet when confronted by American demands to do more, many member governments turn churlish. They seem to believe that their security matters more to Washington than to their own people. It doesn’t. Or at least it shouldn’t. Donald Trump is the right person to explain reality to America’s defense dependents across the Atlantic.
The president also should abandon his half-cocked threat to intervene even more deeply in the Ukraine war, a conflict from which the U.S. instead should withdraw. Claiming on Truth Social that he was doing Russia’s Vladimir Putin “a very big FAVOR,” Trump declared: “Settle now, and STOP this ridiculous War! IT’S ONLY GOING TO GET WORSE. If we don’t make a ‘deal’, and soon, I have no other choice but to put high levels of Taxes, Tariffs, and Sanctions on anything being sold by Russia to the United States, and various other participating countries.”
Set aside the confusing ambiguity in his threat. (Who are the “other participating countries,” and what would he do to them?) There isn’t much trade from Russia to sanction. The U.S. most wants uranium, which Moscow now restricts, for its nuclear power plants. Even if there was more commerce, so what? Broader economic penalties would do some damage, but so far Moscow has thwarted allied sanctions at most every turn. Instead of collapsing, as expected, the Russian economy so far has prospered despite the pressure. There is no reason to believe that another iteration of a U.S. policy which has consistently failed—in Cuba, Sudan, China, Hong Kong, North Korea, Syria, and elsewhere—to force adversary regimes to surrender will work in Russia. Trump also wants Saudi Arabia and the other Mideast producers to cut oil prices to reduce Moscow’s revenues, but so far, they have shown no interest in reducing their own incomes, and hence luxurious lifestyles, even more.
Ultimately, Ukraine is much more important to Russia than to the U.S. The American people don’t want to fight for Kiev. Over the last three years they have tired of tossing more good money after bad to underwrite what appears to be a losing cause. The president’s strongest supporters are most interested in ending the conflict and Washington’s participation in it. In contrast, for Putin failure likely would mean the end of his position and perhaps even his life. Hence, Trump cannot easily force Moscow to terms.
Rather than mire Washington more deeply in the Ukraine war, the president should concentrate on transferring responsibility for Europe’s defense to the Europeans. He should quote Zelensky’s Davos lecture: “Europe can’t afford to be second or third in line for its allies. If that happens, the world will start moving forward without Europe, and that’s a world that won’t be comfortable or beneficial for Europeans.” Why should Trump pay attention to Europe, Zelensky wondered? Given current circumstances, “Will Trump even notice Europe? Does he see NATO as necessary? Will he respect EU institutions?” Trump should answer: not as long as the Europeans aren’t prepared to defend themselves.
It is in America’s interest to end the Russo-Ukraine war, and to do so quickly. The West’s strong support for Kiev has encouraged Moscow to look for aid from U.S. adversaries and in return assist those states in undermining American interests around the world. In particular, Russia has abandoned its past support for nonproliferation in Iran and North Korea and tightened its relationship with the People’s Republic of China. Despite much allied wailing about the new“Axis of Upheaval,” the association is unnatural, united only by antagonism toward the U.S. Indeed, most of their common activities center around the Russo-Ukraine war and would largely end with that conflict.
Worse, waging a proxy-war plus against a nuclear-armed great power over what it perceives to be existential interests inevitably risks expansion and escalation. Throughout the Cold War the U.S. and Soviet Union armed third parties against each other, but typically, as in Vietnam and Afghanistan, with weapons not intended to target the adversary’s homeland. In contrast, when Moscow stationed weapons capable of hitting the American mainland in Cuba, Washington threatened war in response. Much of Russia’s ruling elite perceives Ukrainian membership in NATO and the stationing of allied missiles next door as posing a comparable threat. World War I highlighted the risk of great powers blundering into a conflict no one intends.
During Trump’s first term foreign officials and domestic aides conspired to mislead and manipulate the president. He is better prepared this time, but Zelensky is up to his usual games, insisting that he is ready to negotiate, but only after the U.S. places Ukraine in a winning position, promises to garrison Ukraine with U.S. troops, and offers Ukraine security guarantees. Not even the Biden administration was prepared to go so far. Such a policy would hold American security hostage to Kiev’s whims and risk nuclear war over a country of minimal security interest to the U.S.
Trump was not elected to increase American involvement in the Ukraine war. The conflict is tragic and unnecessary. The U.S. has helped sustain the Kiev government for three years. Washington should now bring its involvement to a close. After decades of risking American lives for Europe, the administration should put U.S. security first.
Zelensky Demands an American Garrison
President Trump should respond: Hell no!
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